Abs Champa - [PDF Document] (2024)

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W orkshop on

New Scholarship On Champa

5-6 August 2004

venue:Faculty Lounge,

The Shaw Foundation Building, Block AS7, Level 1

National University of Singapore

ABSTRACTS

OF

SPEAKERS

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Revising Champa History

Michael Vickery

Centre for Khmer Studies

No history of Champa has been written since that of Maspero inthe 1920s, nor hasthere been any serious study of Champainscriptions, except for that of Vo Canh,since that time.

Even when Masperos work was new other historians of the arearecognized seriousfaults in his work, and yet his conclusions werepassed into the syntheses of Coedsand from there into later generalhistories of Southeast Asia.

The most serious critique of Masperos work, for the earliestperiod, was in Rolf SteinsLe Lin-Y. As Stein said on his page 72,Non-Sinologist historians who have only thework of Mr. G. Maspero,may easily be led into error ... above all, becauseMasperosdescriptions are always reconstructions. The texts arealmost always incomplete and

often contradictory. Mr.G. Maspero has taken their elements andamalgamated them,without serious comparative critical study, into anarrative which seems to be attestedin the texts, but is so onlyfor the diverse elements originating from different sourcesofdifferent dates.

Although Steins work improved the understanding of Lin-Y, thenconsidered to havebeen the earliest phase of Champa, he, togetherwith everyone else of his time,believed that the peoples ofSoutheast Asia had descended overland from Chinaduring thousands ofyears, with each new group pushing their predecessorsfarthersouthward, and into the islands, sometimes leaving remnantsbehind in small minoritygroups. The next to last were Indonesians,including the Cham, followed by theAustroasiatics or Mon-Khmer.

Thus the Cham were remnants left on the coast of Vietnam aftermost of their group

had been pushed into the islands by the advancing Mon-Khmer.

Now, however, it is accepted that although the Cham arelinguistically Indonesian,that is of the Austronesian languagefamily, they arrived in their present locations 2-3000 years ago bysea from an earlier location in Borneo/Kalimantan; andthatIndochina was already occupied by speakers of Mon-Khmerlanguages, who probablyrepresent the oldest recognizable populationgroups of mainland Southeast Asia.

One weakness of Steins work was that he believed Cham to be aMon-Khmerlanguage, and that, together with his adherence to thethen current view of ancientpopulation movements, severely damagedmuch of his work on the proto-history ofthe Cham.

Another problem in most work on Champa is the conception thatthere had been asingle state or kingdom of Champa all through itshistory, except for short periods ofinternal war.

Now, however, it is realized that there was probably never aunified polity of Champa, but a collection of strategically locatedriver-mouth centers whichdeveloped, competed with one another, anddeclined according to the fluctuations ofinternational trade (seeCharles Higham, The Archaeology of Mainland SoutheastAsia,1989:297; Keith Taylor, The Early Kingdoms, in Tarling,Cambridge History of SEA,1992:153; K.R. Hall, Economic History ofEarly Southeast Asia, in Tarling,

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Cambridge History of SEA, 1992:253-4; William Ealred Southworth,The Origins of

Campa in central Vietnam A preliminary review, Ph.D. thesis,SOAS,2001:342; and Po Dharma, "Le Pnduranga (Camp), 1802-1835,1987: 56).

In my paper for the conference I intend to critically dissect indetail Maspero, Stein,and certain other writers, and reassemble theelements of the history of Champa in aform more congruent with thenew consensus on its social, political and economic

structure and its linguistic relationships.

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Vestiges Of Champa Culture And I ts Influences On Viet CultureIn

Northern Vietnam

Tran Quoc VuongDepartment of History, Vietnam NationalUniversity

In an article written in 2002 and published in Southeast AsianReview, I argue that anAustronesian culture was present along therim of the Eastern Sea (commonly knownas the South China Sea). Thisculture has been found from the island of Okinawa toTaiwan (amongthe Cao son inhabitants), Hai Nan Island (among the Diai-ao), theHaLong Bay region (among the Than sin), the northern and centralcoastal areas ofVietnam (among the Poulo, Kana, Kuala, and themaritime barbarians)1, Phu Quyisland, Ninh Thuan and Binh ThuanProvince at the tips of central Vietnam (among theCham). In theseareas, archaeological excavations found instruments made ofturbo(vo oc tai tuong) dated to the early Metallic Age. The mostrecent archaeologicalexcavation in central and southern centralVietnam confirms that the sites mentionedabove are the forerunnersof the Sa Huynh culture. From the Sa Huynh to the early

Champa culture, one detects both cultural continuities anddiscontinuities as a resultof several kicks from exogeneous forcescoming from India and China. In otherwords, since then, Vietnameseand Southeast Asian culture has been a result ofinteractions amonginternal and external forces.

From around the third century A.D, the northern border of theFederation of Champawas located at the Transversal Pass (Deo Ngangin Vietnamese and currently theadministrative border between QuangBinh and Ha Tinh provinces). In Nam Gio, KeSot, and Nhuong Ban inHa Tinh Province, archaeologists found a large number ofCham wells.Here, the historical figure Mai Hac De, the Black Emperor wholedresistance to Chinese occupation in the eighth century, wasbelieved to be theoffspring of a Cham father and a Viet mother.Archaeologists also found in Nghe Anand Thanh Hoa, occupied by theCham from the seventh to the ninth century, somecrucial Chamremains. In Nghe An, they found seagull towers with linga andyoni(nhan thap), clearly Cham towers dating from the eighth and theninth century. In thedistricts along the rivers and the coast inThanh Hoa, they found Cham stonesculpture.

In the Red River Delta, the center of the Dai Viet from thetenth to the fifteenthcentury, archaeologists found remnants ofCham-style stone sculpture. One keyexample is at Phat Tich Pagodain Bac Ninh Province. In Hanoi, An Nam Chi Luoc,authored by Le Tac(1333) recorded that the eleven-story Bao Thien Tower located atthecenter of Thanh Long (Hanoi) on Luc Thuy Lake (now Lake of theRedeemedSword) was constructed by Cham prisoners of war. At thefoot of the tower (now at10 Nha Chung Street, Hanoi),archaeologists found a Cham-style lion. Chau LamPagoda in Ba Dinhdistrict, Hanoi, and many other pagodas in town have ba banh(nakedmother) statutes, some of which sit on a stone base engraved withCham-

style garuda. Most recently, when excavating a section of theold Ly Tran Le citadel at18 Hoang Dien in Hanoi, archaeologistsdiscovered bricks engraved with Cham script.The citadelsconstruction method of mixing clay with pebbles to use as thefoundationfor pillars is very similar to the Cham constructionmethod found in the area fromQuang Binh, Quang Tri, and Quang Namto the rest of southern Central Vietnam.

1 The term maritime barbarians refers to the speakers of theAustronesian family languageliving in the lowlands as opposed tothe mountainous barbarians in the uplands such as theJarai and theRaglai.

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Excavations At Go Cam, Quang Nam P rovince,

Central Viet Nam, 2000-2003

Ian Glover 2

, Nguyen Kim Dung3

and Yamagata, Mariko4

The Go Cam site is situated at 1080 15 90 E, 150 48 533 N in MoaHoa Commune,Duy Xuyen District, on a sandy river bank near a mainbranch of Thu Bon river,some 3.5 km east of the ancient walled Chamcity at Tra Kieu (Simhapura/Indrapura?). At least three Sa Huynhburial sites, Go Mieu Ong, Go Ma Voi and Go Vang havebeenidentified and some excavated near to the Go Cam site . Theexcavations at GoCam were a logical extension of those undertakenat Tra Kieu from 1990 onwards bythe joint VietnameseJapaneseBritishexcavation group, and reported to theworkshop by Mariko Yamagata.Work was started there in on a small scale in March2000 after alocal farmer had reported the discovery of complete ovoid potteryjarsin a very shallow context a short distance in front of hishouse. The same vesseltype, but found mostly as small brokensherds, occurred at the lower levels only ofalmost every trenchexcavated around the Tra Kieu citadel and are confidently dated

to about the 2nd

3rd

centuries AD; the well-preserved finds at Go Cam offeredanunexpected opportunity to investigate a location at the verybeginning of, or evenpreceding the emergence of thehistorically-known Cham civilisation.

During the 2000 trial excavation about 26 largely complete ovoidjars, a mass of rooftiles with textile impressions on the interior,both broken glazed and unglazed HanChinese bowls and jars, one witha Chinese coin-stamp design, triangular bronzecrossbow bolt heads,a bronze dagger or knife, a few glass beads and waste, an ironhookand two ehrtang ear ornaments the one blue glass, the other stoneas wellas high-fired geometric and textile-impressed jars andlocal, Sa Huynh or Sa Huynhderived low-fired pottery vessels. Themost outstanding find was an unfired claysealing ( phong ne inVietnamese and fengni in Chinese) with cord marks on thereverse,bearing four characters which have been glossed by scholars inJapan and

the Academia Sinica, Taipei, to read as Huang Shen Shi Zhe Zhang(Seal of theEnvoy of the Yellow God). This was the first Hansealing to have been found in VietNam although many are known fromChina and some have been excavated in theHan commandery of Le Langin present-day North Korea. Four samples of internalresidue remainsfrom the ovoid jars were examined using FTIR (FourierTransformInfra-Red Spectroscopy) by Michelle Cave (UCL) andidentified as storage vessels forunsaturated oils - one supposesfor palm oil, but we cannot be that specific.

On the basis of an area of hard reddened earth near the testexcavation area and thepresence of so many undamaged oil storagejars and tiles, we provisionallycharacterised the GO Cam site as akiln site or more precisely as a storage area forone. However thisturned out not to be the case, for during larger scaleexcavationsin 2001 and 2002 substantial timbers of a large burntwooden structure were found,extending over 13m by 7.8m. Thisincluded more than 60 carbonised floor planks,

remains of 16 wooden posts, small stakes marking wall ends andthat mass of burntclay is now thought to be more probably from walldaubing. Four charcoal samplesdated at two laboratories gave2-sigma calibrated radio carbon dates that range from755 BC to AD73, but these include a significant 'old wood factor' since theplanksand posts must have been cut from substantial trees, old atthe time of felling. Two

2 Institute of Archaeology, UCL, 31-34 Gordon Square, LondonWC1H OPY 3.Institute of Archaeology, 61 Phan Chu Trinh, Ha Noi,Viet Nam

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further AMS dates from a laboratory in Korea gave uncalibrated(?) dates of 2020+-60 Bp and 2060+-40BP which are closer to the ageindicated by the artefact finds,but still too early presumably onaccount of the 'old wood factor'.

A second, again very damaged, clay Han sealing was also found,together with morebronze cross-bow bolt heads, glass and metalwaste, iron slag waste and an ironbloom, roofing tiles and localpottery. Provisionally I now feel that the structure is

more likely to be a trading post of storage area close to theonce navigable Moa Hoariver; a place where a local, Sa Huynh orpostSa Huynh community was tradingwith Chinese orChinese-influenced merchants. The second Han clay sealing fromGoCam, 2002 season was also studied by Dr. Yuan Kwok-wa of theInstitute of Historyand Philology, Academia Sinica, who commentedthat as the characters on thesealing were not as clear as on theearlier one, he could not identify them veryprecisely. However, thecharacter on the right side looked like the Chinesecharacter"Gong", and the left character like the Chinese character" Fan" or "Pi". Thecombination of these two characters is probablythe name of a person.

Based on the presence of two clay Chinese Han sealings, theimported glazed andunglazed ceramics, Chinese-style bronzecross-bow bolts and comparisons with theovoid jars excavated fromPhase 2 at Tra Kieu, we estimated the destruction of the

building to have occurred around the 2nd to 3rd

centuries AD. Whether the Go Camsite can be identified with alocation within the historically recorded Lin Yi polity isnotclear; Vickery prefers to place this north of modern Hue, but evenif this provesto be the case Go Cam clearly belongs to atransitional period from the late stages ofthe Sa Huynh Culture andearly historic period which is known from our excavationsat TraKieu. Perhaps at the moment and for lack of a better term we couldcall this

proto-Cham.

In 2002 Vietnamese archaeologists, directed by Dr Ng. Kim Dung,extended theknown area of the timber structure and also concludedfrom the numerous Sa Huynhpotsherds in the sandy deposit underlyingit, that it had been built over an earlier SaHuynh open site; oneof the first, if not the first, to be found in Central Vietnam.InDecember 2003 a third field season was devoted to completing thedocumentation,photography and drawing of the finds from theprevious three season of excavation.A major problem remains; theconsolidation and preservation of the timberstructure. So farconservation was been confined to building a substantial metalfencearound the site and roofing it with corrugated iron sheets, thisdone by theCulture office of the Duy Xuyen district.

The excavation of Go Cam, whether a Lin Yi site or not pointsleads to twosignificant questions irrespective of the intrinsicimportance of the materials foundand the remains of what mightconceivably be as the oldest wooden house inSoutheast Asia andthese are, 1) the importance of Han Chinese, and not justIndiancultural influence in the early stages of the formation ofthe Cham civilization asalready seen from the style of roofing andend tiles found at Tra Kieu. 2) Thedifficulty which is regularlyfound in correlating the evidence from field archaeologywith thatfrom historical sources. As an example from the well-researched

archaeology of Roman Britain we have major settlements to whichthere are nohistorical references, and the names, and approximatelocations, of establishedtowns which are still not known toarchaeologists.

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Tra Kieu Of The Second And The Third Centuries AD; The FormationOf

Linyi (Champa) From The Archaeological Point Of View

Mariko Yamagata

Lecturer, RIKKYO University

The Tra Kieu site in central Vietnam has been identified as theancient capitol ofChampa Simhapura, and as the capitol of LinyiDian Chong described by someChinese annals. After a Frencharchaeologist, J.Y. Claeys carried out the large-scaleexcavationsin 1920s, Vietnamese, British and Japanese archaeologists havebeenworking on this site since 1990.

The trenches laid at the location called Hoan Chau, excavated in1997, 1998, 1999 bythe Vietnamese Japanese cooperative team, thenin 2000 by the Vietnamese British Japanese team, revealed severalfoundations for wooden buildings.

Three phases have been recognized depending on the assemblagesof artifacts

relating to the stratigraphy. (1) Lowest Hoan Chau phasecharacterized by ovoid jarsassociated with roof tiles with textileimpression inside, (2) Lower Hoan Chau phaseshowing the decrease ofovoid jars but still containing the roof tiles withtextileimpression, (3) Upper Hoan Chau phase characterized by Hanstyle stamped ware andspouted jars (kendis) similar to the Oc Eoculture, associated with roof tiles withouttextile impression andeaves tiles with human face decoration as well.

Roof tiles mentioned above were produced with Chinesetechniques. Recently, eavestiles with human faces which closelyresemble those of Tra Kieu were reported inNanjing, the capitol ofWu. They are dated from Wu to Western Jin. It is possible thatthehuman face tiles of Tra Kieu were locally produced butstylistically originated inWu, dated back to the 3rd centuryAD.

The tiles with textile impression emerged at the bottom layersof the Hoan Chautrenches. No doubt they preceded the human faceeaves tiles found in the upperlayers. The major finds of the lowestlayers, ovoid jars and roof tiles with textileimpression were alsofound at Go Cam, located about 3.5km southeast of Tra Kieu.Thefirst test pit was made in 2000 where various Han style artifactswere unearthed;a fragment of clay seal fengni, bronze arrowheadswith triangular section, Han stylestamped ware, a pot sherd withthe impression of Wuzhu coin, etc. The letters onfengni wereidentified as Huang Shen Shi Zhe Zhang (seal of the envoy of theYellowGod), implying that somebody familiar with Chinese religionlived here.

Even older evidences of Han contact were two Western Han bronzemirrors discoveredin burial jars of the Sa Huynh culture along theThu Bon river. One is Riguangjingdated from 70BC to 50BC, the otheris Shoudaijing, the mirror of the very end ofWestern Han. Thus theSa Huynh burial tradition still continued in the 1st centuryAD.

Tra Kieu and Go Cam probably emerged soon after the decline ofthe Sa Huynhculture. The lowest Hoan Chau phase of Tra Kieu, aswell as Go Cam, can be datedback to the first half of the 2ndcentury AD.

The remains of wooden architecture at Tra Kieu very likelybelonged to the 2nd andthe 3rd centuries AD; the exact period ofthe formation of Linyi.

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River Settlement And Coastal Trade:

Towards A Specific Model Of Early State Development InChampa

William SouthworthUniversity of Bonn, Germany

In this paper I propose to re-examine the theoretical modelfirst proposed by BenBronson for the development of coastal statesin Southeast Asia, in his article,

Exchange at the Upstream and Downstream Ends: Notes toward aFunctional Modelof the Coastal State in Southeast Asia (1977). Thismodel was primarily intended forinsular Southeast Asia, inparticular for peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines andWesternIndonesia, but its potential application to the coast of Champa hasalreadybeen suggested.

My intention is to compare the model in detail to thearchaeological evidence so farobtained from the Thu Bon valley ofcentral Vietnam, beginning with the pattern oflate Sa Huynhsettlement in the 2nd to 1st centuries BC and the changes imposedbyan increased trade with China. Using this evidence, I hope todiscuss both thesuitability and limitations of Bronsons model inits application to a new geographicarea and historic context, andsuggest how his ideas can be used to form a specificmodel of thedevelopment of the early state in Champa.

In particular, I intend to use this model as a means ofanalyzing the political natureand extent of the kingdoms ofBhadravarman and Prakasadharma Vikrantavarman(based in the Thu Bonvalley during the 5th and 7th centuries AD) as evidenced bythepattern and distribution of recorded inscriptions, and also as ameans of explainingthe economic rise and religious prominence ofthe southern states of Kauthara andPanduranga in the late 8th andearly 9th centuries AD. These southern statesdeveloped during aperiod of increasing trade with Java and insular Southeast Asia,aswitnessed by the spread of Buddhist sculpture and votiveartifacts, and were aresponse to changes in the wider tradepatterns of the region.

Reference

Bronson, Bennet, 1977. Exchange at the Upstream and DownstreamEnds: Notestoward a Functional Model of the Coastal State inSoutheast Asia. In Karl L. Hutterer(editor), Economic Exchange andSocial Interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspectivesfrom Prehistory,History, and Ethnography. Ann Arbor: Center for South andSoutheastAsian Studies, The University of Michigan (Michigan Papers on SouthandSoutheast Asia, 13): 39-52.

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The Last Great King Of Classical Southeast Asia Che Bong Ngaand

Fourteenth Century Champa

John K. WhitmoreUniversity of Michigan USA

There is a need to understand the nature of Champa late in itshistory. I wish to dothis by examining the surge of Cham power inthe 14th century and the king who ledthis surge. Known only byforeign terms applied to him (particularly the Vietnamese -Che BongNga), this king has not been studied to any great extent. I wanttounderstand him, first, by placing him within the political,economic, cultural, andreligious structure of Champa in that periodand, second, by placing Champa withinthe broader events of 14thcentury Southeast Asia, especially those of Java andMajapahit.

Starting with the general writings on the period, I want toraise questions about whatmade up Champa, how its varied segmentsrelated to one another, and how thepolitical and the economic, thecultural and the religious interacted. Was this surge inpowerbasically the work of one man (a conspicuous man of prowess) or didit occurat a time of great prosperity, international contacts, andgeneral Cham activism? Inthis surge of power, how did the Chamsdraw in outlying peoples as their mandalaexopanded? For example,the inhabitants of the then southern Vietnamese provincesof Nghe-anand Thanh-hoa seem to have come under the flourishing Chamumbrella.How might this have been achieved?

Once the great king died (in 1390), how did the Cham realmreact? This one momentin time seems to encapsulate the collisionbetween the end of the classical (as seen inthe Chams) and the riseof the early modern (Dai Viet). Eventually, in 1471, thelatterwould crush the former. How did the structure of the Champolity and its culture leadto this denouement?

In this way, I shall try to gain a better grasp of Champa nearthe end of its power aswell as of what attributes this king broughtto bear to rally the Chams in their finalgreat successes. Using theavailable sources, especially Vietnamese and Chinese, Ishall workto determine the nature of this late classical Southeast Asianpolity, ascompared to both mainland and island forms, at the timewhen the other powers ofthe region (Angkor, Pagan, Dai Viet, andeven Majapahit) were gradually beginning tochange into their earlymodern forms.

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Champa-Vietnam Relations During The 17th And 18th Centuries

Danny Wong Tze Ken

Department of History, University of Malaya

________________________________________________________________________

When Nguyen Phuc Chu (1691-1725) annexed the last of the Champolity atPanduranga (Phan Rang-Phan Thiet area) in 1693, it was theend of fifteen centuriesof continued existence of the Cham polity.A reprieve however, was granted whenNguyen Phuc Chu decided tocreate a new Cham political entity called Thuan ThanhTran thatcontinued to have a Cham ruler, albeit one that was sponsored bytheNguyen ruler of southern Vietnam. The new Cham entity was tohave certainmeasures of autonomy but remained a quasi vassal stateto the Nguyen in the formof a tributary relationship imposed by thelatter. This arrangement was to last until1776 when Nguyen ruleended. Throughout this period, Champa-Vietnam relationstook placeon two levels, namely, between the Cham ruling class andVietnameseadministrative elites, and between the Chams and theVietnamese who began tomigrate in large numbers into Thuan Thanhsince 1693. While the two peoplesattempted to co-exist, Chamresistance to Vietnamese attempts to Vietnamizecontinued. Frictionbetween the two peoples was also inevitable as social andeconomicpressures as a result of the influx of Vietnamese settlers,resulted onseveral occasions, with the outbreak of anti-Vietnameserevolts by the Chams. Thispaper will discuss Cham-Viet relations inthe context of a subdued people trying tocome to terms with theVietnamese dominance yet at the same time, offeringresistance toit. Among others, this paper intends to investigate thedifferentresponses from the Cham ruling class and the ordinaryChams towards Vietnamesedominance during this period. Drawing onmaterials from both indigenous andexternal sources, this paper willalso pay attention to a set of Cham sources in Sino-Vietnamesescripts that consisted mainly of correspondence between the rulerofThuan Thanh Tran and Vietnamese administrators in the same areaas well ascontracts and receipts of business transactions betweenordinary Chams and

Vietnamese.

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Mandala Champa Seen From Chinese Documents

Shiro Momoki

Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University, Japan

Studies on Chinese documents related to Champa were quitesporadic in the late 20thCentury, although many new sources becameavailable in this period, two mostimportant sources beingSonghuiyao Jigao [Tng hi yu tp cao] and Ming Shilu. Ifanalyzed withnew perspectives of Southeast Asian polity, intra-Asian trade, biasofChinese documents and so on, however, Chinese sources can shednew light upon thehistory and historical geography of Champa. Thispaper aims at making some newarguments about Champa from the 5th tothe 14th Century mainly based on Chinesedocuments.

First, the self-Indianization of Linyi, or its metamorphose intoChampa, advancedgenerally parallel with its pro-China policiesduring the 5th to early 8th Centuries. Thelatter policies helpedChampa not only develop trade with China but politically cope

with Funan/Chenla and Chinese protectorate in what is nownorthern Vietnam. Forthis period, counter balance rather thanconflicts between Indian and Chinesecivilizations should berecognized.

Second, the conventional view of Huanwang [Hon Vng](the mid-8thto the mid 9thcentury) the capital of which located in the southernregion (Kauthara or Pandulanga)appears to be unsustainable.Huanghua Sidaji[Hong Hoa tt k], a famous bookof itineraries fromthe 9th Century studied by Paul Pelliot, includes at leasttwodifferent sources about Huanwang, one locating the capitalprobably in present-dayQuang Tri, the other in Quang Nam. Thelatter source mentions about polities likeMendu (present-day PhYn?), Kauthara, and Pandulanga, not as the capital but aslocalcenters. These imply the polycentric nature of Huanwang, and thenaming itselfmay have originally derived from one of these localpolities. Anyway, a significantchange in the composition of MandalaChampa may have taken place in the

Huanwang Period, seen from its aggressive foreign policies (Morethan 70 tributemissions from Linyi is recorded in Chinesedocuments, but only once fromHuanwang).

Third, sources of the Song Period like Songhuiyao Jigao andZhufanzhi[Chau ju-kua;Ch phin ch, completed in 1225] contain ampleinformation which is so farunexploited. During the 10th-11thCenturies, Muslim trade networks seem to havedominated Champasmaritime trade stronger than it is usually thought becauseChinahardly noticed in the 12th century that Zhancheng [Chim Thnh]was formerly calledLinyi, then Huanwang. Through Songhuiyao Jigao,we can make some quantitativeanalysis about Champas trade withChina, like the tribute in 1156 which broughtapproximately 40 tonsof aromatic woods. Song documents also provide informationaboutlocal polities of Champa, telling much about those in the northernpart. Five of

eleven or twelve local polities of Champa recorded inZhufanchican be identified tothe north of Hai Van Pass. This deniesthe myth of Vietnamese constant southwardexpansion since the 10thCentury and requires more attention to the trade routesconnectingthe mid-Mekong region with the South China Sea.

Finally, (Song and) Yuan sources make us skeptical, at least interms of economy,with the common view that Champa was declining.Thi Nai (Qui Nhon) had been themajor entrepot of the South ChinaSea, which Khbilai Khan regarded as the main

junction port between Quanzhou and Quilam (in South India).Daoyi Zhilue [o dich lc, completed in 1351] says Champas cottoncloth was exported to five

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countries in Island Southeast Asia, while modern archaeologistsproved Champaceramics were exported to many countries inSoutheast/East Asia during the 14th-17thCenturies. The southwardexpansion of Dai Viet after 1390 may be understood asacome-from-behind victory.

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Champa In The Song Hui-Yao

(Collected Statutes Of The Song Dynasty)

Geoff WadeAsia Research Ins titute, National Univeristy ofSingapore

________________________________________________________________________

The history of Champa has been re/constructed through bothindigenous and externalsources. Some of the most important sourcesfrom beyond the Cham homelandsused in this re/construction areChinese texts. The standard Chinese histories, forexample, wereessential to Maspero and others in reconstructing basicchronologiesand historical details of the Cham polities. One of theChinese texts which has not yetbeen exploited for Champa history isthe Song Hui-yao (Collected Statutes of theSong Dynasty). Onlyknown in a manuscript reconstruction of an encyclopaediascitationsfrom the work, this text provides unique information on Champa from960C.E. until the 1180s. It details the politys relationships withthe Song courts, withZhen-la (Cambodia), with Srivijaya and withthe Viet (both through the Chinese

province of Jiao-zhou and through Dai Co Viet after itsestablishment in the 960s). Italso provides details of Chamcustoms, agriculture, maritime trade, and punishments.

This text has never been made available in English orVietnamese, and has been onlyinfrequently used in China. This paperwill provide an annotated English-languagetranslation of theaccount of Champa in the Song Hui-yao, together with an analysisofthe contents in the light of the importance of the 10 th-12thcenturies for the Champolities.

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Ethnicity Of The Cham People I n Vietnam In troduction

Rie Nakamura

The Toyota Foundation

This is a paper to demonstrate the diversity of the ethnic Chamcommunities inVietnam, which is based on the field researchconducted among the Chamcommunities in Vietnam from 1994 to 1996.Cham people are found throughoutSoutheast Asian countries such asCambodia, Thailand and Malaysia. The Muslimpeople in Hai Nam Islandof China are claimed to be the descendants of Champapeople. Thereare also Cham communities found in France, Canada, Australia, andtheUnited States. There are about 100,000 Cham people living inVietnam. The Champeople are one of 54 state recognized ethnicgroups in Vietnam. The Vietnamese statemakes conscious effort torepresent equally all the ethnic minority peoples livinginside oftheir national borders. In Vietnam, an ethnic group tends to bedepicted as ahom*ogenous group, they have one language, one history,one religion, one tradition,and son on. Their catalogue likedepictions are however not able to portrait thecomplexity of theircommunity. The Cham people whom I encountered in Vietnamwerediverse in their language, religion, custom, and the concept ofhistory. There arevarious kinds of Cham who construct their ethnicidentity differently based on thesocial context and socialinteractions.

By the localities and their historical background, the Champeople living in Vietnamare divided into two groups; the Chamliving in the south central coast area and theCham living in theMekong Delta. In this paper, by comparing two Cham communitiesinNinh Thuan province (the south central coast area) and An GiangProvince (TheMekong Delta) I would like to talk about how theirethnic identities varies between thetwo groups of Cham, and alsohow they maintain their ethnic identity as one unifiedethnic group.In doing so the concept of Champa amongst the Cham willbeexamined.

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Studying The Relationship Between Sculpture AndArchitecture:

A New Approach To Champa Art

Tran Ky PhuongIndependent Scholar

This paper deal with the relationship between the structure of aHindu templeand a sandstone square pedestal that installed in thesanctum-sanctorum ofthe temple in the first phase of Champa artduring the seventh century andthe beginning of ninth century CE(ca. before 875 CE) in order to prove theprocessing of templestructures as well as the carving pedestals through eachperiod ofart.

The methodology which will be employed to carry out this paperdiffers fromthose of previous scholars of Champa art. Prior studieshave either focused onthe architecture or on the sculpture anddistinguished separate chronologies

for their developments. By integrating these two media by meansof a studyof the corbel roof temples and the sculpted pedestalsfrom each period, theseaspects which are recognized to bephysically and conceptually linked, willprovide a betterunderstanding of the evolution of the art of Champa.

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Pan-Asian Buddhism And The Bodhisattva Cult In Champa

John Guy

Victoria and Albert Museum,London_______________________________________________________

A small number of sculptural images of Buddhist Bodhisattvafigures are known fromcentral Vietnam, bearing witness to theactive participation of the kingdom of Champa inthe wave ofMahayanist Buddhism which was sweeping Asia in the latter part ofthe firstmillennium. Recent discoveries of further copper alloyimages and of images in preciousmetals, together with finds ofpreviously unrecorded types of clay votive tablets, adds tothiscorpus of Mahayana imagery from central Vietnam.

These high-value finds strengthen the view that this developmenthad the personalsupport of a number of members of Cham royalhouseholds. At least one known ruler,Jaya Indravarman, activelyworshipped Lokesvara and established in his honour themonastery ofDong Duong at the king's new capital of Indrapura. This patronagewasundertaken in a context of Cham royal households traditionallyadhering to Saivism, whichcontinued to underpin state power, even,as the inscriptions attest, at Indrapura.

The worship of Lokesvara, a form of Avalokitesvara, had become awidely observed cultthroughout Southeast Asia by this period. Thearchaeological record for the 9th -12thcentury in Champa points tothis cult being paramount: more bodhisattva images areextant thanBuddha images. Yet, the overall number of Buddhist images andMahayanainscriptions in Champa is small, suggesting that this cultdid not reach a broad populace,and perhaps did not spread muchbeyond a limited number of individuals among the royalelite. Thisdevelopment has parallels in neighbouring states, such as the Dalikingdom ofYunnan and Jayavarman VIIs Angkor, where the cult ofLokesvara assumed the status ofa state religion, with the rulerserecting cult shrines to the Compassionate Bodhisattva.The recentfinds of Mahayanist votive tablets, essentially a popularist mediumfor accruingBuddhist merit, does not contradict this thesis, suchobjects in all probability beingassociated with the community ofmonks (sangha), who would have had the most

immediate access to the matrixes employed in the production ofclay votives. Recentshipwreck evidence has established that suchmetal moulds were circulating in BuddhistSoutheast Asia.

Champas architectural legacy has been studied to date in termsof that kingdomsrelations with India and other states in SoutheastAsia, notably Java, Dvaravati, Srivijayaand Angkorian Cambodia. Itis however small devotional images - by their nature portable- thatprovide one of the most reliable indicators of culturalinteraction. They provide thebest vehicle for studying thecirculation and cross-fertilisation of style. In this paperChampasrelations with other Southeast Asian schools of Buddhism will bescrutinisedthrough the medium of this newly expanded corpus of Champortable sculptural images,along with the critical role that thecommissioning of cult images played in Mahayanistpractice.

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The Westw ard Expansion of Chamic Influence in Indo-China:

A view from Historical Linguistics

Gerard DifflothEFEO, Cambod ia

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With one notable exception, Thurgood 1999, the contribution ofHistorical Linguisticcsto the history of the Cham world has been,so far, rather small. And yet, its potentialis great sincelanguage, unlike inscriptions and political documents, covers theentirespectrum of human activity, knowledge and feelings.

We already know that Old Cham, a historical cousin of Malay,established itself on thecoast and then expanded its influencewestward into the mountainous hinterland. Aspart of that process, anumber of people who previously spoke Mon-Khmer languages,mostly ofthe Bahnaric branch, switched language and now speak the languageswecall Jarai, Rhade, Roglai, Hroi etc..These languages, togetherwith Cham itself,constitute the Chamic languages.

In this lecture, I will look at this process from the outside,from the point of view ofthose who did not switch and continuespeaking Mon-Khmer languages, but werenevertheles influenced, invarious degrees, by the Chamic advance westward. We canspecifywhich languages were influenced, which ones remained untouched, anddrawthe approximate limits on the linguistic map.

The results suggest two distinct historical westward movementsof Chamic speakers,one not very ancient, powerful, and stillactive, among the Bahnaric languages of theCentral Highlands, andanother one, on a smaller scale, more ancient, and no longeractive,among the Katuic languages in the hinterands of the city ofHue.

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A Study On The Almanac Of The Cham

In South-Central Part Of Vietnam

Yoshimoto YasukoKobe University

The purpose of this study is to investigate the present aspectof the Cham society inthe South-central part of Vietnam. Today,there is approximately 87.000 Cham areliving in this part. Inconventional studies, Cham in this area has been explained thattheyware divided into two groups based on their religion. One, calledBalamon, areworshipers of indigenized Hinduism, the other, calledBani, are worshipers ofindigenized Islam. In recent years, severalarticles have insisted that Bani andBaramon were not two differentreligious groups but two different categories whichbelong togetherunder the same religious system. Those insistences havebeenexplained by the indigenous notion ofAwar Ahier, what we calledsymbolic dualism.According to some articles, the concept ofAwarAhieris explained in many context ofCham society from gods to humanbody.

In this paper, I would like to examine AwarAhierelements overtraditional calendarcalled Sakawi Cham. Sakawi Cham is used by bothBani and Balamon to carry outtheir ritual practices. The mainpurpose here is not only to understand how the AwarandAhierelements exist in Sakawi Cham, but to examine the meaning ofSakawiCham among the society through peoples narratives and severalcases.

First, I studied on symbolic classification ofSakawi Cham.Sakawi Cham is a generalterm of two kinds of calendar, calledSakawi Awaland Sakawi Ahier. Former is a lunarcalendar which issame as Islamic calendar and latter is a lunar solar calendar.Awar

Ahierelements are also found in month, week, time and dates ofeach ritual practicesare determined based on these symbolicclassifications.

According to Cham scholars, Sakawi Cham is one of the mostauthentic traditions, and

coexists ofAwarandAhiercrystallized in Sakawi Cham indicatesunity between Baniand Balamon. However, the way of counting SakawiCham has not been unified withinthe Cham society. For example,there was 2 months gap of Sakawi Cham betweenBalamon community inBinh Thuan province and Balamon community in Ninh Thuanprovince.Moreover, there has been controversy between Bani villages in NinhThuanprovince over the fixing of leap year. Although officialconventions have beenorganized in order to resolve those problems,Sakawi Cham has not been unified yet.The argument how to unifySakawi is still on going topic among the Cham societyinSouth-central part of Vietnam.

Then, I addressed the variations between two areas inSouth-central Cham society,examining the existence of persons whowere responsible for counting Sakawiandunits of ritual practices.There is two different religious organization among Bani

community in South-central of Vietnam. Among the Bani communityin Binh Thuanprovince, there is one person called OnYew who haschosen to be the most authorizedmonk, while there is no On Yewamong the Bani community in Ninh Thuan. Some saythat absence of OnYew draws controversy between villages among Bani communityin NinhThuan.

To conclude, this study developed the variations of the presentCham society aroundSouth-central while its been monolithicallyrepresented in previous ethnographicdescriptions. Sakawi Cham, onone hand, is an important cultural element to integrateCham societyin South-central part; it has also been a factor that throwsboundaries

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between communities into relief on the other hand. However thevarious narrativeson Sakawi Cham still seem to create anopportunity for people to confirm theircultural identity.

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Champa Ceramics In The History

Of The Maritime Route Of Silk Road

Yoji Aoyagi,Institute of Asian Cultures, Sophia University

Various artifacts excavated in archaeological sites are valuablematerials whichconvey at first hand daily lives of the people atthat time to us. Among them,recently noted artifacts are a largeamount of various ceramics excavated inarchaeological sites incoastal areas of Southeast Asia. Although most of them havebeenfound as grave furniture in graves dated before the 16th centurywhen theEuropeans came, cases that ceramics were found inshipwrecks under the sea and insites of port cities have increasedrecently. Most of these ceramics are Chinese, butthere are alsoThai ceramics and Vietnamese ceramics. Aside from them,Islamicceramics have been also excavated, although they are afew.

Ceramics unlike silk cloths survive and remain in sites withoutdecaying and

disappearing, even if they break into small fragments. As areas(kilns) and dates ofproducing of some of these excavated ceramicshave been already identified, theyserve as useful materials toclarify dates and characteristics of sites themselves.

Chinese ceramics were exported to Japan, all over areas inSoutheast Asia and Africaas a farest place. Celadon wares of thelate Tang to the Five Dynasty, white wares ofthe Sung Dynasty,blue-and-white wares of the Yuan Dynasty and wares with over-glazedred enamel design of the Ming Dynasty have been excavated withnativeearthenwares in various archaeological sites in thePhilippines. Many of theseceramics are common in their dates andkinds to ceramics excavated in al-Fustat Sitein Egypt and othervarious sites in Japan. Actually these trade ceramics werealsofound in archaeological sites along coasts of the Indian Ocean,the Red Sea and thePersian Gulf.

I would like to locate the Champa ceramics, which are ceramicsof the Go Sanh kilncomplex, in the history of the maritime route ofsilk road

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The Significance Of Cham Ceramic Evidence For AssessingContacts

Between Vijaya And Other Southeast Asian Polities During The

Fourteenth And Fifteenth Centuries C.E.

Allison Diem

Independent Scholar, PhilippinesHigh-fired ceramics made bykilns located within the old polity of Vijaya now partofpresent-day Binh Dinh Province in Vietnam have been excavatedfrom severaldifferent archaeological sites within Southeast Asia.The region of Vijaya, however,was one of the major settlement zonesof the former civilisation of Champa. AlthoughCham wares are stillnot widely recognized, and their date of manufacture has beenthesubject of scholarly debate, current archaeological evidenceindicates that theseceramics were traded from Vijaya during thefifteenth century C.E., and perhapsearlier.

Around this time, the trade policies of the early Ming emperorsof China appear to

have created shortages in the supply of Chinese ceramics toSoutheast Asianmarketplaces during the late fourteenth and midfifteenth centuries. And it seemsprobable that these factors had asignificant impact on the development of Vijayasceramic productionindustry. Yet careful examination of data fromparticulararchaeological sites and documentary sources suggeststhat the manufacture ofceramics probably ceased at Vijaya in 1471,when this region was conquered bymilitary forces from the Dai Vietkingdom to the north. As a result, the trade of Chamceramics toIsland Southeast Asia possibly lasted a century, or less.

Whereas export ceramics found beyond their production centresoffer vital cluesabout economic and socio-political exchanges, ormay help to determine theproduction dates of these wares,excavations conducted at the actual kiln sites canprovide crucialinformation about production techniques and the materials thattheceramics were made of. To date, however, only three kilnsbelonging to two different

production centres located within the region of old Vijaya havebeen excavated,although surface collections from three otheridentified complexes indicate at leastsome of the types of waresthat had been made at these latter sites. And comparisonof therange of specimens recovered from old ceramic complexes, burialgrounds,habitation sites, and shipwrecks located within theterritories of Champa and itsformer trading partners have enabledthe forms and characteristics of Cham ceramicsto be identified anddocumented.

Nevertheless, published material concerning the manufacture andtrade of thesewares must also be re-assessed in the light of recenthypotheses regarding theframeworks of Cham polities and theirinteractions with various upland peoples whoinhabited thesurrounding hinterlands. Furthermore, the relatively recentlyproposedconcept of heterarchy is currently providing a moremeaningful approach to analysing

Southeast Asian social structures than the theories of hierarchyhave proven to be inthe past. Accordingly, the socio-political andeconomic frameworks of Cham andIsland Southeast Asian communities,which together form part of the Austronesianlinguistic family,share more common structural characteristics than was oncebelieved.This paper sets out to explore all of the above themes within thecontext ofthe manufacture and trade of Cham ceramics in thepast.